담화 응집성과 대용지시 тот

Abstract

Anaphoric usage of Russian demonstrative тот has been related with anaphora resolution(Kibrik 1996), which is mainly based on the fact that the antecedent of тот is usually in a non-nominative case. But this approach leaves тот in 'return pop' unexplained and excludes anaphoric uses of тот, where anaphora resolution is not ambiguous, and other referential expressions may occur instead of тот. Anaphoric uses of тот are classified into two groups by adjacency of its antecedent: тот in a contiguous context, тот in a non- contiguous context. As for a contiguous context, it is subdivided into two levels: discourse unit external vs. discourse unit internal. Assuming that a demonstrative pronoun is somehow related with topic shift((Poesio & Modejka 2005, Webber 1991, Sidner 1983). I analyze anaphoric uses of тот collected from written narrative texts(мастер и маргарита, Russian national corpus) by means of transitional state of center. The analysis of the data is as follows:: discourse unit externaldiscourse unit internalsmooth shiftretainaddressee тот5741727Тот in discourse unit external occurs when its antecedent is neither a backward looking center(Cb(un-1)), nor the most prominent forward looking center(Cp(un-1)). This explains a topic shift function and transparent anaphora resolution of тот. In non-contiguous context the examples of anaphoric тот are found either in a contrastive context(3/6) or in a 'return pop'(3/6). In a contrastive context they mark later mentioned one among contrasted objects, which is explained by an analogy to a deictic meaning of тот. In terms of 'return pop' тот is used as an anaphoric expression to mark the connectedness of a given discourse unit with preceding non-contiguous context, containing its antecedent.